"To say that these are universal problems is to assume that we are solving Africa's problems. No! This should be about our concern for South Sudan as South Sudanese. We are not Somalians or Congolese."We are Still in a Labyrinth
In 2014, following SPLM’s leadership political indecisiveness and power struggle that’d plunge South Sudan into both political and military confrontation, the talk on UN Trusteeship or Joint Administration gained traction. But like any sociopolitical phenomenon, the idea was received with mixed reactions by South Sudanese intellectuals, political elites and policy institutes. Obviously, the reason for this mixed reaction seemed facts-based; but it’s rather a question of our general understanding of patriotism.
On March 27, 2014, I wrote an article in response to one of Sudd Institute’s ‘weekly policy briefs’ of March 11, 2014 by Nhial Tiitmamer and Abraham Awolich. And on April 11 the mentioned authors responded to my article by clarifying some of their postulates and the reason why the ‘brief’ didn’t contain thorough and comprehensive policy analysis and alternative proposals.
It’s been more than two
years since then; but given the despondent state of things now in South Sudan,
it’s prudent that we re-start the debate in order to remind the South Sudanese
leadership of their role and the wretchedness (inadvertent or purposed) that’s
become South Sudan. It’s our role as ‘learned’ and ‘informed’ South Sudanese to
speak for the voiceless. It is, unequivocally, our duty to remind South
Sudanese intelligentsia that criticism and the analysis of what’s wrong with
the political class and the general ideological leaning, is the heart of
patriotism; the pivotal center around which national well-being revolves.
While I am not going to
respond to Nhial’s and Awolich’s article word by word, I am going to answer
some of the questions they raised; or some of the issues they believed I didn’t
address. Since this is about policy recommendations and our aspirations for
South Sudan’s sociopolitical future, it’s crucial that we honestly debate the
fate of the country in an exhaustively informed manner. Besides, unfortunately,
the very conditions that necessitated the debate on Joint Administration and Trusteeship
are exactly the same way we first debated them two years earlier or even
worse. And even worse, the prospects of any better future are even beleaguer.
Insulting
but not Outlandish
The authors charged
that “While saying that a UN trusteeship or joint administration is
insulting but not outlandish as we stated, Mr. Kuir fails to state why it is
insulting.”
I used the word ‘insulting’
to underscore the fact that having our country
taken over and ruled (even for a short time) by a committee of both foreigners
and South Sudanese obviously gives an impression to the outside world that we
are an incapable lot. Admittedly, it’s a
state of affair which, in all honesty, insults people’s sociocultural
realities, their sociopolitical creative capacities, and their intellects.
However, I said the two proposals aren’t ‘outlandish’ because there’s nothing strange, bizarre or peculiar about
South Sudan being taken over by a different administrative body given our existing,
hopeless realities. And these realities are hampering any formidable
developmental path towards the South
Sudan we had all hoped for. Fortunately, the authors realized that their
usage of the term ‘outlandish’ was in fact inappropriate. “Perhaps it is a mistake
on our side to have chosen such a word without explanation or definition. We
think the two proposals are not insulting. They have been proposed out of context,”
they wrote.
Inappropriate or inapplicable, should have been the terms used instead of outlandish.
Falling
Short of Recommending the Proposals
The other question the
authors raised was the reason why I shied away from recommending the two
proposals, writing that “Mr. Kuir also fails to state why he declines to
recommend the two proposals.”
I see myself as a reasonable
South Sudanese so I didn’t recommend the proposals by then because I believed
South Sudan still had the capacity to remedy the situation and change the
course of things towards the future we crave. Essentially, things don’t have to
be perfect for one to believe that socioeconomic and sociopolitical situations
would improve. What’s important are the indications that such a case is a
possibility. With peace negotiation on-going then, I assumed a signed agreement
after the military crisis would change our mindset; and that a brighter future
was a possibility. We can all attest to the fact that that’s not a possibility
anytime soon. That, I assume, is clear.