Friday, August 17, 2018

The Bad Blood Between President Kiir and Riek Machar Should be On the Peace Agenda*

In 2001/2002 when Riek Machar finally agreed with Dr. John Garang to come back to the SPLM/SPLA, Dr. John and other senior members of SPLA agreed that Riek Machar should be welcome back and given the third senior position within the movement.

President Kiir, then the Chief of Staff of the SPLA (after William Nyuon left in 1992) and Garang's second in command, objected, arguing that rebellions shouldn't be rewarded.

By that time, Dr. John had dismantled or sidelined the National Liberation Council - which was supposed to be the most important decision maker in the SPLM - and formed what he called the 'Leadership Council', which analysts saw as the reconstitution of the defunct politico-military High Command of the SPLA.

So the Leadership Council voted and Commander Kiir's voice was defeated 'democratically' so he got in line. Commander Wani Igga (now Ph.D.), graciously I guess, had also excepted to step aside for Riek Machar.

So, when Kiir assumed power in 2005, people thought he'd forgotten his distaste for Riek Machar. And Kiir thought Riek would be subtle about his quest for power after the debacle of his 1991 rebellion.

So, when Kiir and his inner circle decided that it would be a good idea (for them) to kick Riek out in 2008, hell nearly broke loose. It was contained, luckily.

So when Riek challenged Kiir openly for the chairmanship of the SPLM in March of 2013, Kiir, now with unlimited powers, decided to show Riek who's the BOSS and who will SOB. So Kiir dismantled the reconciliation process Riek was leading, stripped Riek of delegated powers and in July, FIRED Riek.

(And I would assume Kiir had signed).

So when Riek ante his opposition to Kiir after he was fired, Kiir became furious and the old enmity combined with the unlimited powers of his presidency gave the meek Kiir enough confidence to insult Riek and his co-oppositionists straight in their faces by invoking 1991 on December 14, 2013.

So, as long as IGAD doesn't pay attention to the bad blood between Riek and Kiir, it will be foolhardy to think that Riek and Kiir will just work together for peace.

The IMPLEMENTATION MATRIX being discussed now in Khartoum need to put KIIR-RIEK HATRED onto the 'ITEMS TO BE DISCUSSED.'

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*THE PHILOSOPHICAL REFUGEE REMINDER - EDITOR

ON CULTURAL IDENTITY & BELONGING

Dear Melbournians, the South Sudanese people to be precise. Do you think we have seen it all? Do you think we have seen that: I mean in the aftermath of yesteryears, in regard to our culture and the notions around identity and belonging? Do you think we have seen the true reaping of what we sowed years ago? Do you really think so? After all, did we really sow anything like seeds and that there’s something to be reaped? Did we really live it out well to be seen today?

I am sorry to have bothered you, my potential readers, with questions regarding our social, economic, and political location in our host society: Australia. I think we have not seen it all and as a whole: The idea that people are bound by certain values and beliefs of significance to them. This requires cooperation and role-specific obligations on the roles of every man and woman across a given people and their society.

TOLERANCE & INCLUSION


While it is possible for us to racially discriminate or judge people we know, the chances of judging people we know diminish significantly the more we know them. An easy example of the importance of understanding others is the attitude people develop when they want to harm others or when they want to deny them something valuable. Essentially, before you fight someone, you insult them. Insults are attempts at diminishing the value of people, an attempt at estranging them, as Toni Morrison argued in The Origin of Others. It is easy to discriminate against strangers or make others strangers or dehumanized in order to discriminate against them.

Transformational Leadership, Inclusive Institutions and Service Provision

Leadership, given what is happening now in South Sudan, and generally in Africa, fascinates me. And it fascinates me not in a good way but because of the sociopolitical and socioeconomic ills facing the African continent and most of the so-called 'Third World.' To me, South Sudan, now, is a classic case.

Rebellion by disaffected politico-military leaders and repression by the government of South Sudan in Juba have stunted institutional development and leadership growth. This has made service provision almost irrelevant as political survival has taken primacy and supremacy. CLICK HERE TO READ MORE

‘Black’ as an Identity Oversimplification and Mockery

Black as a universalized cultural identity of the African Person (AP)* is a residual effect of slave and colonial mentality; a racial/race paradigm. It is a malady I call, conservatively speaking, stuck-in-the-past syndrome of color constraints. Black could be an on-the-street ‘social identifier’ of race figures not a meaningful phenomenon of deep cultural identification on a universal scale.